Showing posts with label Covid-19. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Covid-19. Show all posts

Friday, November 19, 2021

Us vs Them

 

Us vs Them

The battle lines have been drawn. America is divided along ideological lines, each with historical roots that extend back to antiquity. There is a belief system (ideology) that holds certain core tenets: God is, and He is the rewarder of them diligently seek Him. He created us in His image and has a plan for mankind. He has delegated certain limited authority to us, and we, in turn, create government to protect the rights of man. It is this group and this doctrine that forms the philosophical basis for American law and government. This group, with which I identify, is “us”.

The other group holds that man is the highest authority and that government is a mechanism whereby the best and brightest will govern the affairs of everyone else. Government is the tool that allows the small group of elitists to control the masses (everyone else, in their view).  This is the ideology that is the basis for globalism and ultimately, a one-world government. These two ideologies are competing for the soul of America (and the world). This group is “them”

In order for a one-world government to operate, all traces of nationalism must be erased. Any notions of individual rights (as against government) must be quashed. The elites that have been chosen to lead must be obeyed if (according to this ideology) we are to “ascend” (or evolve) to higher social consciousness.  The operational plan requires that the foundations of self-governance (rooted in self-determination’ self-reliance, and personal accountability) must be destroyed. Any idea, or conduct, that is justified by the belief that it reflects the character and nature of God, must be tightly controlled or restricted altogether. ONLY the wisdom of the elites must be acknowledged as the guiding light for social conduct.

Laws, rules, regulations, mandates, executive orders, government departmental edicts are to be granted unquestioning moral authority. Assertions of personal liberty must never be permitted to trump “the greater good” or else the great global objectives (climate change, world peace, environmental balance, etc.) cannot be realized. Rebellion against these ideas must be suppressed by any and all means necessary.

We the people (“us” in this narrative)  however are committed to the founding principles. Conservatives (in this context) still believe that human rights are endowments from God, and that the primary purpose of any government is to protect those basic human rights (as defined and explained by God through His Word) by the authority of the governed.  WE (the people- “us”) hold that the only POWER that government may use against us is that which is derived from the AUTHORITY that WE (the people- “us”) have delegated to government in the first place.

It should be crystal clear to the reader at this point there can be no compromise as to these to competing ideologies, for they are diametrically opposed. They are mutually exclusive- one cannot exist in the presence of the other.

The heart and soul of America is up for grabs. Each person will decide which master they will obey but you cannot serve both. A failure to choose IS a choice.

Dr. John Sterling, MA, JD                                               November, 2021

Sunday, December 6, 2020

Are Mandatory Vaccinations Constitutional?

Coronavirus and Smallpox do not warrant the same intervention.

Could mandatory vaccinations for Covid-19 be a constitutionally permissible exercise of state authority?

Americans are responding differently to the government response to the Covid-19 pandemic.  Generally, the recommended (or required, in some cases)  mandate from government at local, state, and federal levels, includes at least 6’ social distancing, and mask-wearing. Rarely are these requirements issued as a result of geographically -specific, case-driven, studies. Usually, they have been pronouncements made because of media and political pressure without regard to actual corona-virus impacts in the immediate area.  Some Americans are happy to follow those mandates because they either believe in the prophylactic effect of those measures, or the effort is small compared to the inconvenience or the risk of negative social pressure. Other Americans are reluctant to comply without more science, or more of a causal connection related to actual threat statistics.  Some people refuse to comply with government mandates just because it seems like excessive intervention in violation of individual personal rights (liberties).

Depending on the willingness of those people above mentioned to do their own research, and to base their positions on science and law, they might incorporate one of two US Supreme Court cases from 1905; Lochner v New York, and Jacobson v. Massachusetts.   A searcher of truth will rely on the best science available, and be particularly respectful of conflicting data and opposing conclusions drawn from the same research. (Sadly, I KNOW this is often not true). In a more perfect world, laws and policies would always consider the best science available, and consistent with jurisprudence, would never be tolerant of government intervention that was more than the minimum absolutely necessary. Probably, every person reading this will be aware of many examples where government has not been faithful to  this rule.   

Jacobson v. Massachusetts and Lochner v. New York are both 1905 Supreme Court cases.  Both cases deal with private (individual) rights in tension with public duties and the rights of the public.  Both are context-specific, so understanding and applying  the legal principles cannot be accomplished without the context of the case fact patterns and narrative. The two cases "say" opposite things if one does not understand (and apply) the context.

In 1902, A Massachusetts statute granted city boards of health the authority to require vaccination “when necessary for public health or safety.” When smallpox surged in Cambridge, Massachusetts, the city’s board of health issued an order pursuant to this authority that required all adults to be vaccinated to halt the disease. The statutory penalty for refusing vaccination was a monetary fine of $5 (about $100 today). There was no provision for actually forcing vaccination on any person. (https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1449224/ )

Henning Jacobson refused vaccination, claiming that he and his son had had bad reactions to earlier vaccinations. The Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court found it unnecessary to worry about any possible harm from vaccination, because no one could actually be forced to be vaccinated: “If a person should deem it important that vaccination should not be performed in his case, and the authorities should think otherwise, it is not in their power to vaccinate him by force, and the worst that could happen to him under the statute would be the payment of $5.” (https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1449224/)

In Jacobson, The Supreme Court had no difficulty upholding the state’s power to grant the board of health authority to order a general vaccination program during an epidemic. No one disputed, and the Constitution confirmed, that states retained all the sovereign authority they had not ceded to the national government in the Constitution. (See: 10th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution) Jacobson was the rare case in which a state’s jurisdiction was not questioned—because no one claimed that the federal government should control a local smallpox epidemic. Instead, the question was whether the state had overstepped its own authority and whether the sphere of personal liberty protected by the Due Process Clause of the 14th Amendment38 included the right to refuse vaccination. (https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1449224/)

Jacobson must be understood in the context of the smallpox epidemic.  Smallpox was a devastating disease. On average, about 30% of people who got it died. Those who survived were usually left with scars, which were sometimes severe. Smallpox was equally severe across age, sex, and economic conditions.  Smallpox was a genuine public health threat. Covid-19, on the other hand has a mortality rate of less than 1% (probably less than a half of one percent). It is most dangerous to people with compromised immune systems and people over 60 years of age.  It is NOT the same threat, and does NOT require the same counter-measures.

The Court (in Jacobson) mentioned 2 justifications for the Massachusetts law. First, it found that the state may be justified in restricting individual liberty “under the pressure of great dangers” to “the safety of the general public.” The statute, by its terms, encroached on liberty only when “necessary for the public health or safety.” The smallpox epidemic proved the danger to the public. Second, by using the language of earlier decisions, the Court said that laws should not be arbitrary or oppressive. It also suggested that the state should use means that have a “real or substantial relation” to their goal. (https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1449224/)

Lochner is a case about the right of people to enter into contracts, to earn an honest living, and the limitations on government authority to interfere with that process. In America, the right to labor and earn an honest living is considered a God-given (inalienable) right which government is obligated to protect.  BOTH cases articulate important legal principles that relate to the current pandemic.

[below is excerpted and edited from Constitutioncenter.org]

The story of the Court’s 1905 opinion in Lochner v. New York begins in 1895, when New York State passed the Bakeshop Act, one of the state’s earliest labor laws, in an effort to regulate sanitary and working conditions in New York bakeries. At the time, Joseph Lochner was a Bavarian immigrant who owned Lochner’s Home Bakery in Utica. In 1899, Lochner was charged with violating the Bakeshop Act, as he had allowed an employee to work for more than sixty hours in one week. For this, Lochner was fined the requisite $25. Two years later, in 1901, Lochner was charged and convicted for a second offense of the Bakeshop Act’s 60-hour provision, this time paying a $50 fine.

Lochner’s attorney, Henry Weismann, argued on behalf of Lochner that the Bakeshop Act violated the Constitution’s protection of the “liberty of contract,” or an employer’s right to make a contract with his employee free from governmental interference.

The Court said that, in order to approve of a state’s use of its police powers to regulate contracts, the question was whether the legislation was:

    “a fair, reasonable and appropriate exercise of the police power of the State, or is it an unreasonable, unnecessary and arbitrary interference with the right of the individual to his personal liberty or to enter into those contracts in relation to labor which may seem to him appropriate or necessary for the support of himself and his family?”

Therefore, because the Court found that the baking industry was no more or less healthful than other common professions, and that the law was not related to the health of the employees, it was an invalid exercise of the state’s police powers.

Lochner, though not the first case to do so, found that the due process rights of the 14th Amendment were not just “procedural,” but were also “substantive.” While “procedural” due process rights limit the means by which the state may deprive a person of their life, liberty, or property, “substantive” due process rights limit the types of activities and rights that the government may regulate by deeming them to be fundamental. (SOURCE: Constitutioncenter.org)

A lot can change in 100 years.  While the states’ sovereign power to make laws of all kinds has not changed much during the past century, what HAS changed is the US Supreme Court’s recognition of the limited authority of government and the mission of protection of that individual liberty.

Smallpox was a devastating disease. On average, about 30% of people who got it died. Those who survived were usually left with ugly scars. Smallpox is caused by the variola virus, a DNA virus of the genus Orthopoxvirus. Humans are the only known reservoir for this virus. It is transmitted from person to person, and natural infection occurs by inhalation of respiratory droplets or contact with infected material on mucous membranes.

Similarly, Covid-19 (SARS Covid-2) is spread by inhalation or contact, but non-human animals may also host this virus. Persons with incompetent immune systems are at risk of complications following vaccinations.

During the second half of the 20th century, the US Supreme Court recognized that the liberty protected by the 14th Amendment included most of the rights guaranteed by the Bill of Rights.43 Individuals were protected from an abuse of state and federal power. (https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1449224/)

In light of both Jacobson and Lochner, and consistent with U.S. Constitutional principles, The federal government does not have national authority to required vaccinations. This is ONLY a power held by state governments, and then ONLY when there is compelling evidence that such intervention is the least restrictive means to achieve legitimate state interests.

Author’s conclusion: It is not hard to imagine a situation where the danger to the public is so great as to warrant a government “solution” that would overcome objections about personal liberty. But the Covid-19 vaccine is not it.   Not by a longshot.
JAS
Dec 2020


Sunday, August 16, 2020

Governmental authority and the Covid-19 pandemic.

 

Governmental authority and the Covid-19 pandemic.

A question being asked, which deserves serious discussion, is how much actual authority the state or federal government has to mandate wearing masks or requiring healthy people to quarantine.  My short treatise here is not exhaustive  but it does approach the question from a different perspective than that usually offering on mainstream media these days;  that of an “original intent” textualist (ala A. Scalia).   The presumption underlying this point of view is that the Intent of the founders is knowable from the text, the founders themselves through their writings, and the writings of their contemporaries. Once we extract the basic principles, then consistent application of those principles will yield uniform, predictable, decisions- now and in the future.   From my studies, I believe that most conservative constitutional scholars would agree with the following ten points:

 

(1)    The Declaration affirms that the vertical flow of authority is from God, to man, to the state. Then from the states collectively to the federal government.  With each delegation of authority, the scope of authority is diminished because the grantor cannot grant more than he has.  (i.e. the federal government can never wield MORE authority than the states that created it, nor the states any more authority than the people who created them.) It is not important what you or I believe today about that, but that the founders believed it and they created a form of government based upon those beliefs.

(2)    The Declaration of Independence operates like a corporate charter: it defines the purpose of the organization. It is like the “birth certificate” of the corporation.

(3)    The specific grant of authority to the federal government is specified in Art 1, Sec. 8 of the U.S. Constitution.  That authority is delegated by the states to accomplish the purpose of the federal government, which is to (a) protect the God-given [inalienable] rights of the people, and (b) to achieve the ends of justice.

(4)    Although certain rights are acknowledged in the Constitution as belonging to the people, the rights of the people are not limited by the constitution.   (9th Amendment).  Since the presumption is that all rights are God-given, those rights held by the people are consistent with the character and nature of God.  Again, what is key to understanding the document is to understand the assumptions made by the founders.

(5)    Specifically, ANY authority NOT specifically delegated to the federal government, is explicitly and unequivocally retained by the states and the people thereof (10th Amendment).

(6)    Although many people today are apparently clueless as to how to recognize the character and Nature of God, and thus the nature of the rights of the people, and the duty of government to protect those rights,  it was more clear (or universally understood) by the founders.  These principles are of paramount importance in extracting principles of government from the collective writings of the founders and their contemporaries. Constitutional interpretation must presume the beliefs of the framers and not try overlay 21st century values and norms in the interpretation of the document.

(7)    The founders understood that all individual rights can only be understood and applied in the broader context of their duties to social order. Individual rights and public duty are two sides of the same coin.  (See Jefferson’s letter to the Danbury Baptists, 1803, where this principle is explicitly and unambiguously stated)

(8)    The Constitution presumes lawfulness. It is a responsibility, then, to obey the law. For those who do not, there are protections, but the presumption of lawfulness is apparent. As a corollary thought, self-government can ONLY work when the governed are, to a high degree, self-disciplined.

(9)    A multitude of court cases since Jefferson’s Danbury letter (1803) have affirmed the principle that in an emergency, public order creates a public duty which protects the public order, without which no individual liberties could be sustained. Sometimes, the Court has supported the extension of individual rights, while at other times, it has ruled in favor of limiting individual rights in order to promote public safety.

(10) Article II, which vests the Executive Power in the President, also specifically makes him Commander in Chief of the army and navy, as well as of the militia when called into actual federal service(§ 2), and charges him, among other things, with taking care that the laws be faithfully executed (§ 3).In addition to these allocations of responsibility to particular branches of the federal government, the Constitution contains one other empowering provision relating to similar circumstances, namely Article IV § 4, the so-called "guaranty clause", which calls on the federal government not only to guarantee to every state a republican form of government, but also to protect it against invasion and (when asked) domestic violence.                                       ( https://scholarship.law.missouri.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1417&context=facpubs  )

 

While public health powers were originally both state and federal, a dispute arose between these powers when the federal government took a more active role in regulating quarantine. The federal government lost the conflict and "[t]oday, states are primarily responsible for the exercise of public health powers." (Joseph Barbera et al., Large-Scale Quarantine Following Biological Terrorism in the United States: Scientific Examination, Logistic and Legal Limits, and Possible Consequences, 286 JAMA 2711, 2712 (2005). )

From my reading, the federal authority for emergency action/intervention is limited to matters of (or related to ) military action, including specifically terrorism. The level of government authorized to respond to matters of medicine or public health are the domain of the state governments.

Quarantine, and the other extreme measures associated with the Covid-19 virus, would considered some of the “tools” at the disposal of State governments in an actual emergency. Quarantine is a severe measure that is not to be used for every new manifestation of virus, but rather for extreme outbreaks of especially contagious diseases.   This being such an extreme measure and a severe burden on individual liberty, such an order would require a reasonable, evidence-based conclusion of the “especially contagious” nature of the disease in question. Invoking quarantine for less than something “especially contagious” and life-threatening for large percentages of the population, would be a of serious overreach of authority.   The “authority” of government in such a case is conditioned upon the severity of the emergency. A claim of emergency, when no actual emergency exists, would legitimize (invalidate) the use of power to enforce the illegitimate orders/actions of government.

CONCLUSION:

The law seems clear to me.  There is no federal emergency power to declare what members of public must do in a pandemic. Of course they are free to announce suggestions, and provide research and support for a quick resolution and a medical solution. State executives may announce quarantines and other actions the public must obey to respond to an actual emergency situation. Absent clear evidence, and particularly when the “emergency” is so clearly politicized, the state does NOT have authority to mandate quarantine, order that masks be worn, shut down businesses, or otherwise interfere with commerce and free trade.  I do not find authority to act “preemptively” just in case an emergency MIGHT materialize.
My two cents. I hope it promotes intellectual discussion.
John Sterling, MA, JD